Philibert tsiranana biography sample paper

Tsiranana became president of the Malagasy Republic when independence was proclaimed on June 26, On June 16, , the legislature approved the election of a president by universal suffrage. In , Tsiranana was re-elected President winning 97 percent of the vote. He promoted socialism and endorsed the creation of a one-party state but continued to have close ties with France and other western European countries.

In , a radical political group emerged in southern Madagascar. The National Movement for the Independence of Madagascar led a peasant uprising in Toliara Province centered around farmer protests against taxation rates. On January 30, , Tsiranana was re-elected for a third term, gaining 99 percent of the votes. However, the opposition boycotted the election.

Shortly after his election student protests erupted. They wanted the government to replace the education programs designed in France with programs reflective of Malagasy life and culture. They also called for Malagasy teachers to be employed rather than teachers from France. Imprimir Citar. Biography Tsiranana was born in Ambarikorano, in the Mahajanga region, on October 28, according to most sources; other sources cite October 18 or even as the date of birth , the son of breeders of cattle.

Te puede interesar. When he became Vice-President and then President of the Government Council of Madagascar, he fought diligently for the adoption of the Constitution of the 5th Republic in the referendum of On 01 May he was elected President of the Republic by Parliament. On March 30, of the 2,, registered, 2,, were expressed. His political views are vividly seen in his work.

Compared with the leaders of other developing countries of the time, Philibert's conduct appears honorable. Madagascar experienced moderate economic growth under his pragmatic socialist policies and came to be known as "the Happy Island. The "benevolent schoolmaster" public image that Tsiranana cultivated disguised intense firmness that tended toward authoritarianism.

Like most African leaders of his time, Tsiranana created an authoritarian, one-party state. By the s, his Social Democratic Party was the only major political party in Madagascar. After he became head of state, and indeed throughout his entire public career, he made it clear that political independence meant practically nothing, unless it was followed by rigorous and overall economic freedom.

He attached great importance to socialism so much so that many of his people were convinced that under this system, the hopes for greatness to Malagasy will not be distant. He often toured the country, spoke to the people, listened attentively to their problems, and in turn, reassured them that the day when their country will be one of the finest in Africa, was not far; that they must not sacrifice the luxury of political freedom to the degeneration of economic slavery; that they in turn should not ask what "Malagasy will do for them", but what "they will do for the young republic"; that they should not abuse and pay lip-service to their citizenship, but prove it by concrete results, such as hard work, intelligence, dedication and commitments of the mind, that can bring lasting rewards to all.

The cornerstone of Tsiranana's government was the signing with France of fourteen agreements and conventions designed to maintain and strengthen Franco-Malagasy ties. These agreements were to provide the basis for increasing opposition from Tsiranana's critics. A spirit of political reconciliation prevailed in the early s. By achieving independence and obtaining the release of the MDRM leaders detained since the Revolt of , Tsiranana had coopted the chief issues on which the more aggressively nationalist elements had built much of their support.

Consistent with Tsiranana's firm commitment to remain attached to Western civilization, the new regime made plain its intent to maintain strong ties to France and the West in the economic, defense, and cultural spheres. If Tsiranana was entirely hostile to the idea of socialising the means of production, he was nevertheless a socialist.

His government encouraged the development of cooperatives and other means of voluntary participation. The main obstacle to development lay largely in the development of land. In order to remedy this, the state entrusted small scale work "at ground level" to the fokon'olona [ fr ] the lowest level Malagasy administrative division equivalent to a French commune.

In these works, they were assisted by the gendarmerie , which was actively involved in national reforestation schemes, and by the civic service. In the area of education, an effort to increase the literacy of the rural population was undertaken, with the civic service's young conscripts playing a notable role. In the end, of the 55 billion Malagasy Francs expected from the private sector in the first five-year plan, only These developments lead to the creation of , new jobs in industry, increasing the total from , in to , in On the other hand, in the primary sector , private sector initiatives were less numerous.

Vast regions remained isolated. Yet dramatic economic growth did not occur. This situation was not catastrophic. The service of the debt in represented only 0. During Tsiranana's presidency, the links between Madagascar and France remained extremely strong in all areas. Tsiranana assured those French people living on the island that they formed Madagascar's 19th tribe.

Tsiranana was surrounded by an entourage of French technical advisors, the "vazahas", [ 90 ] of whom the most important were:. The security of the state was placed under the responsibility of French troops, who continued to occupy various strategic bases on the island. French parachutists were based at the Ivato-Tananarive international airport, while the Commander in Chief of the French military forces in the Indian Ocean was based at Diego Suarex harbour at the north end of the country.

The departure of the French military companies represents a loss of three billion CFA francs for the country. I am in agreement with President Senghor when he says that the decrease of French troops will make large numbers of people unemployed. The presence of French troops is an indirect economic and financial aid and I have always supported its retention in Madagascar.

From independence, Madagascar was in the franc-zone. France provided a particularly important source of aid to the sum of million dollars, for twelve years. Beyond this strong financial dependency, Tsiranana's Madagascar seemed to preserve the preponderant French role in the economy. This partnership with France gave the impression that Madagascar was completely committed to the old metropole and voluntarily accepted an invasive neo-colonialism.

Philibert tsiranana biography sample paper

An attempt at a commercial overture towards the Communist bloc and southern Africa including Malawi and South Africa. For his part, he undertook to cooperate with Africa in the economic sphere, but not in the political arena. He served as mediator from 6—13 March , during a round-table organised by him in Tananarive to permit the various belligerents in the Congo Crisis to work out a solution to the conflict.

If Tsiranana seemed moderate, he was nevertheless deeply anti-communist. What pleased me in the attitude of colonel Bokassa , is that he has been able to hunt down the communists! From , Tsiranana faced mounting criticism. In the first place, it was clear that the structures put in place by "Malagasy Socialism" to develop the country were not having a major macro-economic effect.

Between and , both Merina and coastal Malagasy were largely convinced that although political independence had been realised, economic independence had not been. Another centre of opposition was Madagascar's membership of the franc-zone. Contemporary opinion had it that as long as Madagascar remained in this zone, only subsidiaries and branches of French banks would do business in Madagascar.

In at the 8th PSD congress, some leaders of the governing party raised the possibility of revising the Franco-Malagasy accords. Tsiranana suffered from cardiovascular disease. In June , his health degraded sharply; he was forced to spend two and half months convalescing, [ ] and to spend three weeks in France receiving treatment. After being absent for some time, Tsiranana reaffirmed his authority and his role as head of government at the end of He announced on 2 December, to general surprise, that he would "dissolve" the government, despite the fact that this was not constitutional without a motion of censure.

Tsiranana made a very poor impression on me physically. He had a paper before his eyes and could not read it. He did not seem on top of his business at all and he spoke to me only about minor details, minor things and not general policy. On 24 May, Tsiranana returned to Madagascar. Encouraged by the cult of personality which surrounded him, [ ] Tsiranana became authoritarian and irritable.

Didn't God chose David , a poor farmer, to be king of Israel? And didn't God take a humble cattle farmer from a lonely village of Madagascar to be head of an entire people? In fact, cut off from reality by an entourage of self-interested courtiers, he showed himself unable to appreciate the socio-economic situation. The competition for the succession to Tsiranana began in Tsiranana did nothing to defend Rabemananjara's honour, [ ] who exchanged the Economy portfolio for agriculture on 31 August [ ] and then took the foreign affairs portfolio in July Paradoxically, on 14 February , Tsiranana encouraged government officials and members of parliamenta to participate in the effort to industrialise the country, by participating in business enterprises which had become established in the provinces.

After Tsiranana re-established himself in , a rapid revision of the constitution was carried out. Then relations between Tsiranana and Resampa deteriorated. He let his entourage persuade him that Rasempa was involved in a "conspiracy. Resampa lost the ministry of the interior, which Tsiranana took over personal control of, and Tsiebo became the First Vice-President.

According to the diaries published by Foccart, France did not take any particular pleasure in these events. Foccart is meant to have said to the French President Pompidou on 2 April